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People & Parliament
Part 1 of the Full Report - Identities
1.
Question 1 - “We are a people who...”
1.1
Sense of Environment and Place
A
large number of groups started their response by stating that “we are proud of
our Scottish identity and heritage.”
Pride
was of place - the land and scenic beauty of Scotland - and the convivial
cultural values of community. We value Scotland,” said one group from Dundee:
for its quality of life because of open spaces, clear
air, mountainous landscapes, wilderness, wildlife and sense of community - where
you feel you belong, where you can make a difference, where you count and have
local cultural identity.
Land
management, in the opinion of a group of Morayshire landowners, should have:
“proper consideration ... for the well-being of rural communities, the
environment and the widest public interest.” Whilst landowners obviously saw
private control being the key to this objective, a Port Glasgow group reflected
the view that “our national resources have been robbed,” and from Perthshire
the sentiment was expressed that “land in Scotland [ought] not belong to
individuals apart from their houses and immediately surrounding grounds.”
Concern
about the land was more dominant amongst, but by no means confined to, rural
communities. A Kilmarnock family, for example, was not alone in noting:
There is a spaciousness which can be experienced
either where we live or within a reasonable distance. This space is able to help
keep things in perspective and gives peace.
Many
groups therefore expressed the hope that the environment would be protected from
pollution, that any new developments would be “sustainable,” wildlife would
be conserved and access to wild places kept open. A Govan group summed up their
feelings saying that they hoped for “A better quality of life for all and boat
races on the Clyde!”
There
was virtually no pride expressed in Scotland’s built environment and cities
even though the majority of participants were urban. Underlying this lack of
expressed enthusiasm were fears or concerns about safety, pollution, stress,
poor public transport and bad housing. Scots appeared to view their cities very
much in relation to the rural hinterland - a perspective that would find strong
resonance with such Scottish thinkers as Patrick Geddes. The place in which
people felt rooted was expressed more as being the land of Scotland than its
cities. This might be because the benefits of city life are taken for granted.
On the other hand, rural access, especially for the poor and those without cars,
is something that still has to be struggled for - as highlighted by the land
reform debate. A further factor is that a majority of urban Scots are only two
or three generations removed from the land. This connection remains strong in
the psyche of a people who, very often, have seen urban dreams disillusioned by
the post-war collapse of heavy industry - a factor which clearly pained a number
of respondent groups who urged regeneration of Scotland’s industrial economic
base.
1.2
Sense of Community and Belonging
Rooted
in this strong sense of place was an
equally strong sense of belonging.
There was an evident sense of Scotland being a nation of communities and community
values. Being aware of the medieval roots of Scottish sovereign identity,
several Gaelic groups made statements like:
Gaelic was vital to the formation of the Scottish
nation and has been a central component in leading to the Scottish national
identity as we know it today.
This
was a concept of identity that saw power as resting ultimately in the people -
the “community of the realm.” Many groups demonstrated implicit
understanding and expectations of such a “claim of right.”
An
Aberdeen group therefore reflected what is sometimes called “metaphysical
Scotland” in saying, “We care about maintaining a unique Scottish national
identity, the collective feeling, the self-awareness and the radical
tendencies.” The pre-eminence of freedom was often asserted: a group of
Glasgow mothers saying that they “Value freedom of speech, thought and action
according to individual conscience... We value tolerance and respect individual
rights to be different ...” with the important qualification of, “... while
still being part of the community.”
Frequently
these values were expressed in religious language. An ecumenical group from
Edinburgh said:
We are proud of our ... sovereignty of the people
under God. We are a spiritual people with ... an environment of beauty and
grandeur.
Some
groups emphasised regional variations: a Glasgow family said:
We are proud of our history, with a strong sense of
identity but depend on a rich array of local cultural reference points which may
not be understandable to outsiders.
However,
one group, comprising students at an independent school, evidently felt less
potential for connection, saying, “As things stand at present, we see our
future lying outside Scotland.”
Residents
at an Edinburgh day-care centre said, “We are different from other countries.
We have our own accent and different ways of speaking.” In asserting
difference, such groups often recognised xenophobic dangers. Thus the latter
group concluded by saying:
We are different from the English but should not hate
them.
A
number of groups recognised that the quality of their place strongly influenced
how they feel about their lives. Several mentioned the benefits of being able to
get away to beautiful countryside. Conversely, some of those living in run-down
areas found the consequences “depressing.” As a group of Buckhaven teenagers
put it (a one-time fishing and mining area of Fife):
We are a people who live in a dull depressing country
with no opportunities of jobs [and] there’s not much to do.
“Many
of the young have no prospects for the future,” said some Glasgow independent
school students, “and often this leads to depression. However, if these
problems were combated Scotland would have all the elements to become a happy
nation.” Such comments show awareness of a link between cycles of poverty,
community decline and mental health. The positive side of this is that it
suggests that redressing poverty will benefit not only the poor, but Scottish
communities and sense of wellbeing as a whole.
1.3
Sense of Identity (including Ethnic Minorities)
1.3.1
Ethnic Scots and English People
From
a sense of place and of belonging in community derives an understanding of identity.
There was a widely held sense of identity that recognised the value of
Britishness (including, sometimes, the monarchy) or being European, whilst
expressing uncomfortableness about relationships with England. A group from an
Edinburgh suburb summed this up, saying:
Although having some Celtic, British and European
identity we are Scottish first [and] still resent what is perceived as English
interference in our affairs.
“I
am proud to be a Scot but I am also proud to be British,” wrote a male
individual. “We have a distinct national identity as well as district and
local identities,” said members of a social ministry course.
Many
groups shared a feeling that Scottish identity has long been under threat of
being subsumed by more populous and dominant powers. “We feel that we’re
ruled by people in England,” said a group with learning difficulties in
Kirkcaldy. “We would like to keep our own identity,” said a joint Perthshire
tenant’s association and crime-prevention panel, “as we feel our country is
becoming too Americanised.” With obvious allusion to the insensitivity of some
English incomers, an Edinburgh suburban group said, “We feel strongly about
Scotland’s history and ignorant people who live here.”
“Identity
is often forgotten,” protested a school class of young people in rural
Aberdeenshire. “We are often grouped together with the English nation in
sporting events ... if we win, but not if we lose.”
Only
one group, however, went as far as to say that they “hate England.” These
were young men who qualified their statement by adding, “although some of us
only sort of hate you.”
There
was considerable evidence that such ambivalence was targeted not against English
individuals per se, but at what are perceived as the individualistic values of a
southern electorate, especially the regime of a former prime minister and the
perception that it had used Scotland for social experiments. Thus, a group of
biological scientists from Edinburgh insisted:
We have different needs from London [and] do not
approve of imperialism. We don’t want to be submitted to something like Mrs
Thatcher ever again.
“We
fear a further fragmentation of society and the reduction of our country to a
“product,” said a group of Glasgow ministers.
In
counterpoint to anti-English feeling was a strong sense of the importance of
rooting out racism. Many groups seemed to be saying that while they resented
being dominated and their cultural values being trampled on through the
insensitivity of a globalised Anglo-American monoculture, they did not want
their own values of hospitality to be violated by xenophobia. A Helensburgh
group surmised:
Despite centuries of amalgamation we retain a sense
of national identity based on a traditional regard for equality, social justice
and universal education.
“We
need to be inclusive rather than exclusive,” said an adult education group,
resonating with some Glasgow schoolchildren who said, “Our reputation and
making people feel welcome in our country is very important.” “We are
hospitable and value to live in a safe country with a strong community
spirit,” said another, “but have to be careful not to lose it.”
The
question of identity was a vexing issue for some residents whose origin was
non-Scottish. A group who described themselves as “middle aged, middle class
wives of incomer oil workers in the north-east” said that they found the very
sentence, “We are a people who...” to be “emotive and encouraged
divisiveness.”
1.3.2
Indigenous Ethnic Groups
Indigenous
ethnic groups, however, felt that their own values had been trampled on by
either mainstream British or Scottish society. “We would like the People’s
Parliament to realise the Government has tabbed us with “Traveller” - a name
that covers a multitude of sins,” said a group who wanted to reclaim the
identity of being “Gypsy” or “Romany.”
An
Invergordon group of Gaelic learners was typical of other “Celtic” groups in
reminding that “Gaelic is an essential and intrinsic element of the national
identity of all Scots.” Gaelic broadcasting professionals in Stornoway
asserted that this “unique and inherent component of Scottish national
identity” should also prompt:
... respect for the rights and aspirations of other
linguistic and ethnic minorities, [promoting] equal opportunities in the new
Scotland for all people and their respective geographic rights.
1.3.3.
Non-Indigenous Ethnic Groups
Many
ethnic groups originating from outside of Europe expressed a real sense of
feeling welcomed in Scotland. A group of women overseas students said, “We
view Scotland as a home from home, with friendly locals amongst a multicultural
society.” Jewish teachers in the west of Scotland said, “We are of the
Jewish faith and identify with Scotland as our home. We see Scottish society as
one which respects and values people from all religious and cultural
backgrounds.” Dundee Asians, mainly professionals describing themselves as
“some rich and some poor,” said, “We are people who have come from
different parts of the world to settle in Scotland and in particular, Dundee...
We have married either in Scotland or in India, raised our children in Scottish
schools and now, obviously, some of us are elderly.” Similarly,
representatives of Glasgow Mosque and Islamic Centre described themselves as
people:
who want to live in Scotland with dignity and like to
contribute for the social, cultural, economic and environmental development of
this beloved land. We want to promote peace, harmony and equality in the wider
society of the UK. We wish to maintain religious freedom and cultural identity
in a multi-cultural society without harming others’ religious values and
beliefs.
However,
beneath this were indications of actual or latent racism. “We, as asylum
seekers and refugees, love to live in Scotland in peace,” said sixteen clients
of the Scottish Refugee Council. However, they add: “We feel that we have been
excluded and marginalised by law in this country, and this is not fair. We would
love to contribute into the Scottish society and want to feel being part of
it.”
A
Glasgow multicultural group expressed the feeling of wanting to be both Scottish
and ethnic: “We wish to maintain a separate identity and culture from the rest
of Great Britain and to preserve our heritage.” A group of Muslim women in
Midlothian said:
We wish to be a part of Scottish society [but] feel
excluded by the society in which we live ... because Islam is viewed as a
religion rather than a complete way of life which encompasses a complete
socio-economic structure as revealed in the Holy Quran.
The
most damning critique came from an urban group of African women, who said that
they:
feel like strangers, unnoticed, unseen, unheard,
alienated, dehumanised, invisible in the scheme of affairs but visible enough
for racial attack and with the fear that this may increase with Scottish
independence... We feel anti-English feeling will be turned against ethnic
minorities when the English are gone. Sometimes the nationalist feeling is so
strong that one wonders how minorities will fit into the new Scotland.
Chinese
workers within the Chinese community rated Scotland less highly than England for
employment opportunities:
Compared with England, we found that there are lack
of opportunities in employment field for ethnic minority communities. We hope to
see more young Chinese people to take up employment outwith the catering
business.
This
group added that, “About 40% of the Chinese population in Scotland have no
knowledge of what the parliament does, they are either women/men in their late
30’s and the elderly.”
Many
ethnic Scottish groups expressed such views as “We realise we are living in a
multi-racial society,” and that we “are tolerant, yet can scapegoat.”
“The ethnic groups in Scotland are very welcome,” said a group of three
Glasgow families, “with the proviso that they respect our culture and laws as
we do theirs.” However, this group added somewhat ominously: “Our present
Scots are afraid to air their views in fear of being branded a racialist.”
Other
groups unambiguously welcomed ethnic diversity in Scotland. One group of
Glaswegians said: “We are aware that we live in a multifaith society and
positively welcome that fact.” A group of elderly women in Argyll said:
We acknowledge that there is a mixture of influences
and ancestry in Scotland. We value and accept the current status of Scotland as
a multicultural society.
But
others reinforced the African women’s message, warning that, “We are
increasingly aware that new prejudices threaten to replace the old as tensions
with ethnic minorities increase,” and called for better education to address
the problem.
An
Edinburgh women’s justice and peace group said that they, “Aim at
identifying our Scottishness in public life as civil, not ethnic - looking
beyond our own horizons to welcome the stranger. We do note an erosion of some
of these qualities in our present society: a growing individualism, racism
(anti-English, anti-Black) and some lingering religious intolerance.”
Retired
members of the trades union, UNISON, warned: “We have a strong identity which
can defend what shouldn’t be defended.” A group of retired staff from
Scottish Power plc aspired to an understanding that:
We are a people who should judge people by what they
do and not by the colour of their skin, not by their accent, and not by the
colour of the football strip of their favoured team.
Such
sentiments, however, raise the question of what price ethnic Scots are prepared
to pay really to make the “stranger” at their gate feel welcome. We must
ask, for example, whether our aspirations for ethnic inclusivity would be
prepared to accommodate such groups as the Asian schoolgirls in Glasgow who
said:
Our needs are not being met and not being
represented. For example, there is not a good choice for Halal eaters in school
and mainstream food outlets. We always have to say we are vegetarian when we are
not - they don’t cater for our needs.
The
overall impression from ethnic communities is that they understand and value
Scotland’s emphasis on community and expressed concern for the underdog, but
they feel uncertain how deeply they are accepted as part of that community.
Racism is something that they experience alongside the welcoming tendencies, it
is something that they also see being condemned, but mostly it is unconscious in
ethnic Scots and therefore latent. This constellation is well illustrated by the
experience of a young graduate in one of the groups whose mother is an ethnic
Scot and whose father is a Pakistani Scot. One day she arrived at work feeling
upset by racist graffiti at the railway station. A sympathetic ethnic Scot
colleague put an arm round her. “Don’t worry about it,” she reassured.
“You don’t really look Pakistani.”
1.4
Values and Characteristics
One
of the limitations of focus-group approaches is that peer pressure within the
group tends to elevate the level of what is said. In research with TV audiences,
for example, groups will tend to say that they want less sex and violence,
whereas in practice, they may watch more.
Accordingly,
one might have expected most of the statements in this category to be of a
“motherhood and apple pie” nature. This was generally the case, and yet it
was tempered with a heartening level of honest self-criticism.
The
overwhelming self-image was, as a group of professionals from Kilmarnock put it,
that:
The personality of the Scot is warm, friendly and
hospitable. Our people care for one another and are hard working.
Linking
their perceptions back in with the nature of place, they added, like a number of
other groups, that, “The Scottish character has been described as hardy. The
harsh climate probably contributes to this.”
“We
are proud, honest, hardworking and respect our national identity;” “a
friendly nation with a good sense of humour, proud of our heritage, legal system
and our achievements in the world,” said two Glasgow groups. “We care about
those who have lost dignity,” said one from the high unemployment area of
Boghall. Hospitality, education, religion and a willingness to share and
sympathise with the underdog featured strongly. “We are certainly not mean,”
insisted one Edinburgh group, others asserting that, “We are proud of our
traditions, hospitality, freedom, tartan, passion, spontaneity,” and, “We
see and feel the great importance of community, hospitality and sense of humour.”
Being Scottish is about “Poetry - Rabbie Burns ... Scottish music ...
ceilidh” said a group in Grampian. After all, said a Duddingston group, “We
are warm and friendly and know how to party.”
Youth
showed a particular sensitivity about “tartan and shortbread” caricatures.
“We care about how people portray us. We don’t run about in kilts,” said
an Aberdeenshire group of secondary schoolchildren. A Glasgow class said, “We
are often stereotyped, i.e. kilts, haggis, bagpipes... We want to be respected
by other nations, i.e. England.” There was a hint that younger children
identified more with the stereotypes, a Hillington primary 7 class reporting
pride in their heritage, “e.g. William Wallace, bagpipes, kilts, haggis and
Irn Bru.”
The
Dundee Baha’i community called for deepened understanding of national values
in saying:
We have pride in [Scotland’s] heritage - not just
the traditional view of this such as bagpipes and tartan - but a heritage that
speaks to us of the value of community, of a friendly family orientated society,
of the importance of good education and health services.
A
Greenock neighbourhood group referred to “A proud Celtic heritage, but many
see our nationality in Irn Bru and tartan, which is very shallow.”
Some,
however, felt that the stereotypes were justified. “We drink too much
alcohol,” said a group from Falkirk, and we “love Irn Bru,” added another
from the same town. Interestingly, of all the human-made national icons to be
mentioned, this soft drink (supposedly for hard men) topped the league. When it
came to macho, values, however, there were remarkably few practical expressions.
These were confined to the level of “We want to see Saddam Hussein
obliterated,” as suggested by three boys from a Glasgow school.
Many
groups showed awareness of negative traits in the Scottish psyche. “We have
our divisions - the inferiority complex or underdog mentality,” confessed an
Aberdeen group. “We are aware of our flaws [such as] poor health record and
alcohol problems,” said teenagers in Aberdeenshire. In contrast to the sense
of being passionate and spontaneous, some considered Scots to be “Slow to
express personal feelings,” yet “angry at injustices.”
“We
value our directness and sharpness but we acknowledge that there can be
aggressiveness that needs resolution,” said a group of Fife Quakers. We are
people, said one group from Edinburgh, “Who are deeply divided but who are
attempting to define themselves in a positive and inclusive manner.” A Nairn
group remarked:
We see all humanity as our brothers and sisters...
Mind you, some of us are narrow-minded, tight-fisted parasites.
This
awareness of defects was often accompanied by a concern to grasp the thistle and
bring about change. Many of the negative cultural attributes were clearly seen
as being related to Scotland’s subordinate position with respect to England or
a central-belt-based establishment. “We have a long history with many, many
mistakes to learn from,” said a Dunfermline family:
We are a strong, inventive, intelligent people who
can overcome most obstacles when the odds aren’t stacked against us [but] we
have let a small minority dominate our lives for too long.
That
said, there was a clear feeling that the advent of the Scottish Parliament
offered new opportunities to overcome our shortcomings. “We are friendly,
tolerant, creative, open, wild egalitarian, ‘all Jock Tamson’s Bairns,’
canny, generous optimistic, pessimistic, contradictory,” said a Glasgow church
group, who reinforced the contradictions by adding:
We have a sense of humour but are dour, we travel
(well), drink, dance, moan and have fun, have hang-ups about the English, and
love our country.
Residents
of Strathspey echoed many voices in concluding that we can no longer blame
others for the way we are. The Parliament, they said, means that we must now
“accept responsibility for our future and our actions.” After all, we are,
as voices from Port Glasgow asserted, “A people who want truth, openness and
honesty.”
1.5
- Public Sector
Scots
clearly desire a strong sense of ownership of public services. Importance is
placed upon education, health, transport, housing and law-and-order - in that
order. There was widespread dismay at the decay of these provisions.
A
group of students of rural development in Moray said, “We are engaged in a
daily struggle to provide an essential public service with meagre resources.”
Retired educationalists in Glasgow described themselves as “saddened as we
watch our ancient education system - and hence our social and political
institutions - sink year by year into the morass. Education should be the most
important concern of the human race, next to organised religion.” “Education
for young women” was emphasised by a group of Glasgow adult learners.
“Health
is the most important thing,” said an Edinburgh woman’s guild, with
Aberdeenshire schoolgirls calling for “better health education.”
“In
Fife we are particularly proud that we still have free bus travel for elderly
people,” said one group of OAPs. Many rural groups mentioned problems of poor
public transport provision and some blamed this on the rise of car culture:
“We care about buses v. cars,” said a Grampian group.
An
Aberdeen tenant’s group said:
Housing is a social necessity for all and as such
should be a high priority in any new Scots Parliament.
An
Edinburgh Community Council called for “a good quality legal system giving
justice to everyone and recognising the European Human Rights Bill.”
Marginalised women in Glasgow expressed concern about “corruption in the
police force” and the unsatisfactory nature of “the ‘not proven’
verdict.”
1.6
Private Sector
The
fact that only a handful of indicative statements from question one fell into
this category suggests that the private sector plays a very minimal role in the
sense of national identity of those Scots who participated in this exercise.
Companies had very little representation, though British Telecom did pick up on
the process and use it in a separate and modified exercise with their employees.
Concern
was expressed by those who did comment upon the private sector for the state of
farming, for there to be non-polluting industry, for expansion of our
international financial skills and:
... more accountability by large employers to the
community and workforce.
A
richer response on private sector issues is, however, reflected in section 2.7
below - responses to future aspirations for the private sector.
1.7
Social Exclusion
Many
participating groups felt themselves to be marginalised by virtue of disability,
ethnicity, poverty or age. “We are a people who feel they belong to
Scotland,” said an ethnic group at a Glasgow women’s health centre,
“however we feel alienated and isolated from the consultation process, as we
are ‘invisible’ to the statutory organisations.”
“As
women,” said a group working in community care, “ we have experienced
inequality in greater proportions.” “We seek justice and equality for
women,” said a YWCA group, adding that, “On a practical level we feel women
who wish to rear their own children should be sufficiently rewarded by the
state. Their worth in the rearing of future working generations should be
recognised as equal to manufacturing, processing food, etc..”
The
care and protection of children featured very strongly (see especially responses
to Question 2). A group of 23 “incest survivors” said:
We want child protection legislation which is
practical and effective, which does not further damage the victims through the
court process and send them home to their abusers.
“As
users of mental health services our experience is that we are discriminated
against and stigmatised.” “We are concerned about the attitude of staff in
hospitals and doctors to people with learning difficulties,” said an Edinburgh
group. Another service-user group said that as hospital residents they were
“trying to change things in the hospital to allow more freedom and more to do,
and hope to move into the community.”
An
OAP group called for “a better pension whereby other benefits would not be
necessary.” A particularly penetrating critique of the position of people
categorised as “ageing” was levelled by the Renfrewshire Elderly Forum,
representing 1,300 members. These resented being politically represented at
Westminster in a manner that they evidently find unsatisfactory.
An increasing proportion of the people are retired
and within the group considered as “ageing”. These people are of course
ordinary citizens still in full possession of their intellectual faculties. Many
were the managers and “captains” of industry until they chose retirement,
and now being free from the harness of employment, can be more pragmatic and
more objective in their views. This group, representing as it does, a
considerable proportion of the electorate, is effectively disenfranchised due to
the fragmentation of ministerial responsibilities, and is not adequately
represented as a group in its own right. At this time we feel that we have had
the right to select our representative in parliament removed and that we are
having a placeman foisted upon us.
Ethnic
groups called for education on racism to increase the extent to which they feel
included by the mainstream. A group of black and minority ethnic women in
Craigroyston said:
We like and enjoy Edinburgh. It is our home now and
we want the white Scottish community to be tolerant and acceptable [accepting]
to people coming from different parts of the world. We are concerned about the
education that our children receive and the problems of racism they face in
schools, including bullying. We want a safe city to live in and the Parliament
to look at ways children’s different cultures could be built into the
teaching. We want our overseas qualifications recognised.
A
number of groups called for action to restrict “the tolerance of alcohol abuse
and the increasing acceptance of illegal drug use.” These were seen as being
tied to “the negativism of our culture and denial of social problems.”
Others, a much lesser number, urged relaxation of existing controls. For
example, the Legalise Cannabis Campaign maintained that:
Cannabis was traditionally grown here -
archaeologically proven at Soutra and in Fife. Also, Queen Victoria used it. We
have rights under the Single Drug Conventions to traditional use of cannabis.
A
number of groups describing themselves as privileged or affluent expressed
profound concern about social exclusion. “We desire to take up responsibility
for ourselves and others - particularly those who are more vulnerable,” said a
group comprising a cross-section of the community in Falkland. Members of a
Glasgow church said:
We are part of ‘Comfortable Scotland’ and want to
reach out to those on the margins of society. We believe in the value of each
individual, in social justice and in the importance of education.
1.8
Political Process
Many
groups expressed dissatisfaction with past political structures. A group of
Glasgow women meeting in the City Chambers said:
Over the centuries we have suffered as a people, and
feel hard done by. Even though we have political freedom we are alienated from
the political process. In our lifetimes we have seen the encouragement of
individualism and the destruction of community.
An
ecumenical group in Glasgow said, “We feel unable to engage in the current
party political or socio-political issues which affect us due to disempowerment
through a lack of education and awareness, resulting in a cycle of ignorance.”
Indeed, “We are politically apathetic,” concurred another west of Scotland
group, attributing this to the perception that, “many of our politicians at
all levels and in all parties are of poorer quality.” A Fife group described
feeling like second-class citizens and called for “Political awareness ... as
early as primary school.”
Party
politics was almost universally derided. An Edinburgh group said:
We are a people who historically have chosen a
specific person who may be of any party or none to represent his constituents
and to vote for our views, not those of any political party.
“We
value democracy and genuine decision-making at the lowest possible level,”
said a chorus of other voices. It is noteworthy that no political party groups
sent in responses to People and Parliament.
“It
may be that our awareness of disadvantage has been sharpened by the remoteness
of existing central government and an accompanying sense of powerlessness,”
said a Kilmarnock group. The finger was pointed more directly by a community
council that said starkly, “We do not want all the trappings of the
Westminster Parliament.”
Political
education was seen as being of central importance to redress these failings. The
Modern Studies Association similarly voiced “full support for the education of
young people in the values of citizenship and democracy.” A group of
Strathclyde University Dominicans called for:
... a remodelled national curriculum [in which] all
aspects of Scotland’s heritage will be given proper priority, and a Scottish
history taught which truly reflects the diversity of our country, including our
religious diversity.
“We
are concerned,” said a Leven group of elderly women, “about the
fragmentation of society and would like the Parliament to pull the people
together again.” To address this several groups were willing, as one put it:
...to reaffirm our commitment to the decision made in
the referendum of 1997 that the Scottish Parliament should have tax-raising
powers.
“Why
not ask everyone these questions?” said a Dundee women of the People and
Parliament process. “We have not the confidence for an autonomous
government” said Renfrewshire students for the ministry, “but we have the
potential.”
1.9
National Stature
“We
are a people,” said an individual from Dundee proudly, “who have the
historic ability to be extraordinary.” Of course, “We have quality football
sides,” a “distinctive religious heritage” and “a rich cultural heritage
with a socialist orientated working class,” according to Glasgow’s Friends
of the People. They continue:
We feel there is a definite Scottish identity, but
also want to nourish the multi-cultural aspects of Scotland and be part of
Europe - to be Independent but International.
Such
“Scots Internationalism” was a fairly common theme. About Europe, there was
hardly any negative comment. On the contrary, “We feel close to Europe, not
isolated on the edge,” was a typical sentiment.
Internationalism,
however, is not the same as globalisation. “We value the distinctiveness of
Scottish society in companionship with the rest of the world,” said members of
a community council in Govan, “as against any commercially imposed culture of
international sameness.” That’s because, “We are proud of our heritage,
but are also forward thinking and world conscious,” according to a Greenock
family group and, of course, said an Ayr group, “We have the best golf courses
in the world.”
“Our
younger people are moving further afield but remain proud of their country,”
noted some “single or widowed women” in Paisley. This helps us to “see all
humanity as our brothers and sisters,” and be “friendly, creative and
welcoming to others - a cultural characteristic which is evident in the people
as a whole,” say students at a Catholic college.
Scotland,
of course, say an Aberdeen church group, is a country “from which many
missionaries spread the Gospel to so many parts of the world.” We have been,
says an elderly Dalkeith person living on their own, “through 2 European wars
and many other turmoils and revolutions” and so we are a people, he or she
believes, “with particular interest in liberation struggles in [countries
like] African and South America.”
Independence
versus the Union were two of the most divergent strands of thought on national
status. Two young men in Glasgow wrote in saying:
We believe that Scotland is a country so contrasted
to England that independence is inevitable. We believe that Scotland was
illegally entered into the Union of 1707 and that Union is therefore void.
The
effect, as many groups saw it, was a stifling of ability to express full
national stature. “We are liked worldwide but lack power in our own country
because we sit back and let other people control us,” said young people in
Buckhaven ... it often being unclear whether in such statements “other
people” meant non-Scots, upper-class, landed, professional or governmental
people ... or whether little distinction was being made between these various
categories.
“We
are about to recover our nation, our independence ... after 300 years of British
Rule, and will now take our place along with all the other independent nations
of the world,” says an individual from a Moray community council. In contrast,
women in a Glasgow Methodist church said:
We voted ‘no, no’ because we do not want a
government who will bring changes that will affect us adversely. It appears the
sole idea in Scotland is to become independent with no thought for education,
health, or development priorities.
The bottom line of political change, says a Glasgow adult education group, is “to know more clearly how to release the talents of all. We need,” they say, “to measure ourselves in terms of who we are rather than what we are not.” That means, say young women in Aberdeenshire, “caring about the welfare of our country and how our future is determined by society today.”
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