Highland Clearances Psychodynamics
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The Scottish Highlands in Colonial & Psychodynamic Perspective

 

by Alastair McIntosh, Andy Wightman & Daniel Morgan

 

First published in INTERculture: International Journal of Intercultural and Transdisciplinary Research, Montreal, Vol XXVII:3, Issue 124, 1994, pp. 1-36, in both English and French translation. Interculture is available at $5 per issue (specify French/English) from the Intercultural Institute of Montreal, 4917 St Urbain, Montreal, Quebec, H2T 2W1, Canada (www.iim.qc.ca).

 

 Contents

(hyperlinked to bookmarks in the text)

 

Foreword: Towards a “Transatlantic Cultural Therapy” by Robert Vachon, Editor

Introduction and Abstract

Origins and Externalities of Land Enclosure

A “Parcel of Rogues”

Cultural Proscription

The Clearances: Sheep as a Cash Crop

The Balmorality Epoch: The Great Sporting Estates

Estate Psychdynamics: a Ghillie’s Eye View

Empowerment, Internationalism and Revolt

Education as the Denial of History

Ecological Consequences of Highland Colonialism

The Case of Mar Lodge and Brazil

Land Restitution

About the Authors

Notes to the Text

 

 

 

Foreword by Robert Vachon, Editor of Interculture

 

On February 4th 1994, I received a letter from Alastair McIntosh, who directs the Master of Science postgraduate human ecology degree at the Centre for Human Ecology, Edinburgh, Scotland.

 

“In short, what is happening is that our people are waking up to the issue of Scottish land rights, inspired by the activities of Native Americans, Aboriginals, etc., this accompanied and informed by a cultural and historical renewal. It has direct consequences for the people of Canada, because many of the people who were cleared from the land over the past two hundred years, emigrated to your nation. The close bond we feel with the Canadians (and also the “Auld Alliance” with the French) is the reason why Interculture is the first journal I am approaching for consideration of publication of this text.”

 

So here it is! A good example of an ongoing resistance of Scottish people to the cultural colonialism wrought by a certain modernity.

 

“Are we ready to ‘unpack’ our history?” says Alastair elsewhere. “To re-read history: re-membering, re-visioning, re-claiming the people that we are; learning how, for instance, half a million Scots have been forced off the land in the nineteenth century Highland Clearances, to make way for commercial sheep farms and playboy sporting estates? Seeing how many who had gone to the New World, to Australia and elsewhere, perpetuated and reperpetuated their oppression against other native peoples?”

 

But Alastair goes further.

 

“A question I want to put is whether we actually need a transatlantic cultural psychotherapy: a movement towards healing wounds of the broken and to this day laird-ridden disempowered communities left behind in the Old World, and also those of the sometimes brash breaking un-communities of the New World.”

 

Yes, Alastair! Scots, French and Native peoples, coming together and remembering the resistance of their respective ancestors. But awakening also to the contemporary ongoing resistance of these three peoples to the same cultural colonialism which is being perpetrated today against them, even by some of their own people sometimes, in the name of moderninty.

 

Yes, “reclaiming the peoples that we are and recovering wellsprings of cultural renewal, together.”

 

Robert Vachon

 

 

**********************

 

            "Lord and Lady Stafford were pleased humanely, to order a new arrangement of this Country. That the interior should be possessed by Cheviot (sheep) Shepherds and the people brought down to the coast and placed there in lotts under the size of three arable acres, sufficient for the maintenance of an industrious family, but pinched enough to cause them turn their attention to the fishing (waged labour). I presume to say that the proprietors humanely ordered this arrangement, because, it surely was a most benevolent action, to put these barbarous hordes into a position where the could better Associate together, apply to industry, educate their children, and advance in civilisation."

 

        ‑ Patrick Sellar, factor for the Sutherland Estates, Scotland, 1815.[1]

 

                 

            "So white settlers have set about 'civilizing' these people by destroying their tribal land system. They are taking the lands from the natives and wherever they have done so, the result has been an abundant supply of 'labour on the market' with wages kept down by the competition of landless men, just as they are at home.  This is confirmed by evidence given before the Native Labour Commission (Kenya) in 1912‑13. Settler after settler came before the commission and demanded in the most precise terms that the natives should be forced out of 'Reserves' to work for wages by cutting down their land so that they should have less than they could live on. Lord Delamere, himself owner of 150,000 acres, said: 'If this policy is to be continued that every native is to be a landholder of a sufficient area on which to establish himself, then the question of obtaining a satisfactory labour supply will never be settled.' The process of reducing men to unemployment and poverty is here stated in all its nakedness and simplicity.... In refusing Land an 'adequate' supply of labour on the market would be guaranteed."

 

         ‑ W. R. Lester, Unemployment and the Land, 1936.[2]

 

  

 

Introduction and Abstract

 

The "Highland Clearances," which forced Scottish people off their land from the late eighteenth to early twentieth century, were an event of cultural genocide which paralleled and in many respects, pioneered patterns of colonial conquest elsewhere in the British Empire. The effects persist in the national psyche to this day; an aching sense of loss, concealed only by a thin plaster of relative material affluence, and a growing sense of the importance of reclaiming the commons.

 

This paper summarises the past 300 years' history of the Highland "crofters" or indigenous subsistence‑based peoples. Consistent with the view of the Cambridge Irish historiographer, Brendan Bradshaw,[3] that the history of a holocaust cannot be credibly portrayed with a presumption of "objectivity," we declare our values as being those associated with ecological sustainability, community cohesion and the articulation of each person's human potential.

 

We address the social consequences of cultural proscription and Clearance from the wider perspective of the land enclosure movement. Our approach recognises how the oppressed are often driven to internalise the perspective of oppressor, noting both the role of the Highland Regiments in building Empire and the fact that the English had themselves been colonised in Roman and Norman times. Accordingly, the paper is drawn to speculate upon the deeper psychospiritual dynamics of land ownership and the disempowering consequences when direct connectedness of local communities with place becomes mediated by a morally illegitimate third party.

 

In describing the present day ecological consequences of the Highland Clearances, we illustrate how green consciousness is adding to social conscience in building political pressure for change. The process by which Highland communities have empowered themselves over the past century is outlined, parallels being drawn with similar processes of liberation in the South. Recognition is given that we have experienced not just enclosure of land, but also enclosure of the mind through "inner colonialism." Clearly such chains must be broken if, in both North and South, we are to liberate our human potential to achieve social justice and environmentally sustainable livelihood; these, not just for dignified survival, but for the fullest articulation of creative, loved and loving life in each person as an integral part of nature in an international community.

 

 

Origins and Externalities of Land Enclosure

 

The Clearances, in which some half million[4] Scottish Highlanders were directly or through economic pressure, forced off their land, must be understood in relation to the processes of enclosure that originated much earlier in 14th and 15th century Britain and especially England. Processes, exceptionally well documented in a recent issue of The Ecologist,[5] that have characterised capitalist development throughout Britain for the past 500 years, and which have been, and still are, transplanted worldwide.  Enclosure in Britain can be distinguished from earlier forms of expropriation and enclosure in that it was more than simply transfer of power from peasant to elite; it was a profound change in the social order in two significant aspects.

 

Firstly, by defining land as a "property" in the "theft of the commons," enclosure gave the land and water rights a tradeable status within an expanding market economy. The dispossessed peoples who then required some form of subsistence, were turned into wage‑labourers, and labour too became a tradeable commodity. By the time Elizabeth I ascended to the throne, England consequently had some 80,000 itinerant poor with no visible means of subsistence.[6] The Elizabethan Statutes, which today remain the foundation stone of charitable law in Britain and many Commonwealth countries, were established in response to this manufacture of destitution.[7]

 

William Kingston, professor of Business Innovation at Dublin University describes the Romanised historical background to such landed power. A growing number of feminist thinkers are also recognising the scope for scholarship in the relationship between the historical emergence of militarised patriarchy and the contemporary cultural psychospiritual dynamics of global oppression.[8] Kingston, whose main concern lies with the inefficiency of "full" property rights, says:

 

            "... as the Christian Church expanded within the increasingly exploitative property rights regime of the later Roman Empire, Church thinkers began to attack these rights.  Ownership was now concentrated in the way Gibbon described, resulting in a proletariat juxtaposed to the conspicuous wealth of a very few.... As both political and economic structures collapsed, Church officials found themselves, as the only remaining source of order, progressively saddled with the de facto administration of many aspects of the later Empire....  The idea of Christendom as a unitary church‑state emerged clearly for the first time, as did also a new, non‑Roman root of secular law, the Christian ethos.... The barbarian chief became a knight bound by a religious oath of chivalry, the territorial lord became an anointed king ... (alongside the development of a) 'social legislation more complete than that of any other period of history, including our own'.... The property rights of the (monastic) medieval city took their cue from the qualified rights of feudalism, rather than the absolute rights of Roman law...."

 

But then, aided by reformers like Calvin, who taught that it was not wrong to lend money with interest, the Reformation's "freeing of the economy" from the Church commenced. Thus:

 

            "The Reformation was a reaction against the medieval Church‑dominated cultural synthesis. Constrained ownership rights were part of this, and so came under attack of the Reformers. Naturally, this suited those whose business ambitions were adversely affected by the constraints.... The revival of 'full' or 'absolute' property in the West therefore came about as part of a process of rejection of religious authority. Medieval Christianity had held elements of both classical and barbarian cultures together in its own synthesis. When it lost its creative power, these partially absorbed elements re‑emerged in their individuality. The artistic component of Classical culture surfaced again as the Renaissance and the tribal cohesion of the northern barbarians revived as nationalism. As part of this process Roman property rights ‑ individual, absolute, and now sanctioned by the new religious teaching (especially protestant Calvinism) ‑ re‑emerged as the enabling dimension of modern laissez‑faire capitalism."[9]

 

The second reason why enclosure represented such a profound societal change is that such "improvement," as it was termed by its apologists, was associated with profit in the same way that the later term, "development," has become associated with "economic growth." Enclosure therefore represents not only the removal of land from subsistence communities, but a profound step towards viewing the land and its people as things to be traded and exploited. As Carolyn Merchant discusses in The Death of Nature,[10] enclosure represents the significant break in the organic conception of the cosmos; a break related to the ideological transformation of the Renaissance (in which the Reformation had its origins) and the Scientific Revolution; a break that set the precedents for the transformation of agricultural and industrial production in spite of the Earth rather than through the Earth.

 

The gradual enclosure of the commons in England saw the Medieval "open field" communally managed system steadily replaced by either cash crop farms producing grain crops, or fenced in walks for sheep and cattle. Ancient meadows and heath lands were turned over to intensive production. By Tudor times large numbers of dispossessed peoples were causing unrest in the cities and country, so various legal brakes were applied to the enclosure movement with partial success. When the English Revolution of 1649‑1660 brought power to the very classes that had benefited from rural enclosure, the process began again in earnest. A large series of Private Acts of Enclosure, some 4,000 covering some 7,000,000 acres, were passed before the General Enclosure Act of 1845 and it is probable that at least the same amount of land was enclosed without recourse to Parliament.[11]

 

Improvers were not ones to recognise the "externalities" of their movement. The principal "externality," other than grubbed‑up nature itself, was the people the land had once sustained. The solution in large measure lay abroad, where the enforced destruction of foreign industries such as textiles in India and other colonies provided work for the dispossessed multitudes at home. Thus, when Gandhi was asked if he would like to see India develop as England had, he is reputed to have replied, "It took half the world to develop England. How many worlds do you think it would require for India to do the same?"

 

 

A 'Parcel of Rogues'

 

Unlike their Roman predecessors who never made it further than lowland Scotland, the "Great Improvers" who had enclosed England and lowland Scotland came late to the Scottish Highlands and Islands. This bioregion was an area at the remote periphery of the cities, inhospitable to intruders, and mostly mountainous. Today it supports a sparse population of some 350,000.  Human settlement was based on hunter‑gatherer and subsistence arable and cattle agriculture, ruled by kinship‑based, often warring, patriarchal clan chiefs; the Scots Gaelic word, "clan," meaning "family" or "children".

 

In 1707 the parliaments of Scotland and England combined for a mixture of reasons to do with secession, religion, security, and access to mutual markets. This lead to much popular resentment in Scotland, the "traitors" in the Scots parliament, many of whom saw mercantile advantage or were offered incentives, being immortalised as "a parcel of rogues" by the great nationalist poet, Robert Burns.

 

As reaction to this and events surrounding the earlier 1603 Union of the Crowns, Scotland by 1745 was effectively in a state of civil war over the Treaty of Union. The Catholic pretender to the throne, Prince Charles Edward Stewart ("Bonnie Prince Charlie"), raised an army from amongst the Highland chiefs and marched south, meeting little resistance. These "Jacobites" came within 120 miles of London but lacked the strength confidently to press on. The British army subsequently gathered to make pursuit and, under the "butcher" Cumberland, massacred the Jacobites at the last Battle to be fought on mainland British soil: Culloden, 1746.  Interestingly, this was just three years after what was reputedly "the last wolf" had been shot in Scotland; a significant species local extinction foreshadowing cultural disintegration.[12]

 

                         

Cultural Proscription

 

Intent upon preventing further rebellion, pacification of the clans became the immediate priority of the British State, comprising the English, lowland Scots and Royalist clan chiefs. A process known as "proscription" was set in place to take the heart out of traditional Highland culture while leaving many outward structures intact for administrative purposes. Under other names ‑ "civilisation," "education," "Christianisation" ‑ this was to become a cornerstone of colonial policy around the world as it had earlier been in Ireland. Speaking from Latin America, Paulo Freire was later to describe the phenomenon as "cultural invasion." Freire's analysis is having a significant influence in a contemporary Scotland trying to re‑member its past in order to re‑vision and re‑claim its future.[13] He says:

 

            "In this phenomenon, the invaders penetrate the cultural context of another group, and ignoring the potential of the latter, they impose their own view of the world upon those they invade and inhibit the creativity of the invaded by curbing their expression.... Cultural invasion is thus always an act of violence against the persons of the invaded culture, who lose their originality.... (It) leads to the cultural inauthenticity of those who are invaded; they begin to respond to the values, the standards, and the goals of the invaders.... It is essential that those who are invaded come to see their reality with the outlook of the invaders rather than their own; for the more they mimic the invaders, the more stable the position of the latter becomes ... it is essential that those invaded become convinced of their intrinsic inferiority."[14]

 

The Act of Proscription took effect from August 1747 and was not repealed until 1782, by which time its effects had been "internalised" into a Freirian "culture of silence." Under pain of being "liable to be transported to any of His Majesty's plantations beyond the sea, for seven years,"[15] the Act banned the wearing of Highland dress, the meeting together of Highland people, playing the bagpipes and other forms of traditional entertainment, and the carrying of arms. Bagpipes were treated as an instrument of war, to be played only within the British Army where their uses included variously impressing and frightening other natives of foreign lands. Under the proscription‑associated Heritable Jurisdictions Act of 1747, the traditional powers of clan chiefs were removed but most of the individual chiefs were left in place.  Those who did not accede to Royalist jurisdiction had their lands forfeited and placed in the hands of government appointed surrogates. [Nb. Since writing this I have learned that the oft-repeated notion that the Act forbade bagpipes is, in fact, not well founded. This is documented in the recent book “Traditional Gaelic Bagpiping, 1745-1945,” John Gibson, 1998, Edinburgh: National Museums of Scotland. May I also highly recommend Michael Newton’s recent book, “A Handbook of the Scottish Gaelic World, Four Courts Press, Dublin, 2000. No other book in print expresses such a deep understanding of the Gaelic world-view and human ecology.]

 

Jarvie, a historical sociologist concludes, "The British government was, therefore, able to pursue its policies of cultural marginalisation not by expropriating the traditional Highland aristocracy but by incorporating the more powerful members of the clan figuration within the Hanoverian hegemony."[16] Thus, an inner colonialism was set in place by confusing an intensely loyal kinsfolk as to who their oppressor was. Whereas in Ireland the wholesale imposition of English landlords had made the target much more visible, in Scotland the initial stages of betrayal seemingly came from the clans' own leadership. This, together with religious factors including what was to become a pacifist liberation theology[17], is the major reason why the Highlanders did not emulate the violent resistance of the Irish.

 

Traditionally, Highland chieftains operated a system of usufruct under patronage. It is telling that the word, "usufruct," like "usury," is almost redundant in the English language. It means overlapping patterns of rights to land and water usage, as distinct from outright Romanesque ownership. The concept is familiar in many other tribal societies worldwide but often not recognised by westernised development planners.  "Unlike feudal forms of land ownership, the land of the Highland clan was not the private property of the chief, but the public property of the clansfolk."[18] Kinship was therefore focused around the personhood of the chief, not "his" lands. The post‑Cullodden regime was to change this into a latifundia‑style "feudal" system whereby land was commoditised and enclosure introduced. Interestingly, residual elements of the old understanding are still reflected in Scots law by the fact that the Queen, in her position as monarch, is regarded as Queen of the Scots and not Queen of Scot‑land.[19]

 

The imposition of a culture which accepted land as a tradeable commodity played into the hands of another factor which was affecting eighteenth century tribal life: the lure of perceived social sophistication.  Just as can be seen today in, for instance, Pacific islands like the New Hebrides (Vanuatu) with clan chiefs developing an appetite for the mores of Singapore, Tokyo or Sydney, so it was too in the old Hebrides and other Highland parts. Thus James Hunter, the great social historian and reformer of the crofting peoples states:

 

            "... many chiefs were as at home in Edinburgh or Paris as they were in the Highlands, and French or English rolled off their tongues as easily as ‑ perhaps more easily than ‑ Gaelic. While away from his clan, moreover, the typical chief ‑ conscious since childhood of his immensely aristocratic status in the Highland society whence he came ‑ felt obliged to emulate, or even surpass, the life style of the courtiers and nobles with whom he mingled.  And it was at this point that the eighteenth century chief's two roles came into irreconcilable conflict with one another. As a southern socialite he needed more and more money. As a tribal patriarch he could do very little to raise it."[20]

 

In the recently independent nations of the Pacific the answer to the same problem has been to sell out logging, mining or fishing rights held on behalf of the clan. In Scotland, the charging of rents or a cattle levy were obvious revenue raisers.  When that was insufficient to pay for gambling, drinking, women and such new "tartans" as the Paris tailors would come up with, more severe measures such as rent‑racking or forcing tenants into the landlord's waged labour were introduced. If these too failed to deliver sufficient cash flow, the "estate" could be sold on in the rapidly growing land market. The new owner, who would generally be what we would now call a "venture capitalist," would (with some notable and worthy exceptions) have few if any traditional ties to the people and therefore fewer still scruples as to how he exploited nature and those to whom he was (and still is today) the  "feudal superior."  Often under the pretence that it was for the peoples' own good, the ultimate solution of the Clearances were devised to make way for the Highlands' first modern-scale cash crop - sheep for wool production. To apologist suggestions of benign intent, John McGrath, playwright of "The Cheviot, the Stag and the Black Black Oil," retorts:

 

            "The fact remains that the intensive (sic) methods of cultivation of the Gaels had maintained a far greater number of people per acre than had been maintained elsewhere, that the standard of living was not the sole criterion of happiness or worth, and that although many would have indeed left voluntarily, ‑ as they already had before the clearing began ‑ the majority of these people did not want to go. Furthermore, the fact remains that the fertile ground which had kept so many people through the centuries was now turned into useless land fit only for sheep. The cruellest and most important fact of all is that the criterion for the best use of land ceased to be the number of people it could support, and became the amount of profit it could make".[21]

 

 

The Clearances: Sheep as a Cash Crop

 

The first wave of Clearance, in the second half of the eighteenth century, forced a previously self‑reliant peasant peoples onto marginal land. This was to clear the interior lands for sheep whilst also creating a waged labour force for the industrialist dominated industries of fishing and kelping (seaweed based alkali production). The introduction of cheviot and blackface sheep in the 1760's was the agricultural "improvement" driving factor, enabling substantial profit to be made from terrain previously suitable only for peasant subsistence. To take just one of countless examples, the Isle of Rhum, which is today a nature reserve being totally devoid of its indigenous population, had 300 people cleared from it in 1826.  The proprietor, MacLean of Coll, spent five pounds fourteen shillings on each adult's emigrant passage to Canada. Vacated and let as a single sheep farm it brought in a rent of £800, compared with just £300 previously; an investment payback period of just over three years.[22]

 

Clearances were particularly brutal in Sutherland and the Uists. Carmichael, circa 1928, documents one account given by Catherine MacPhee of South Uist. Her story is corroborated by other similar reports and what is so striking is that the events were so recent. It is remarkable that here, in western Europe, old people alive today can recall such first hand accounts from the old people of their youth.

 

            "Many a thing have I seen in my own day and generation.  Many a thing, O Mary Mother of the black sorrow! I have seen the townships swept, and the big holdings being made of them, the people being driven out of the countryside to the streets of Glasgow and to the wilds of Canada, such of them as did not die of hunger and plague and smallpox while going across the ocean. I have seen the women putting the children in the carts which were being sent from Benbecula and the Iochdar to Loch Boisdale, while their husbands lay bound in the pen and were weeping beside them, without power to give them a helping hand, though the women themselves were crying aloud and their little children wailing like to break their hearts.  I have seen the big strong men, the champions of the countryside, the stalwarts of the world, being bound on Loch Boisdale quay and cast into the ship as would be done to a batch of horses or cattle in the boat, the bailiffs and the ground‑officers and the constables and the policemen gathered behind them in pursuit of them.  The God of life and He only knows all the loathsome work of men on that day."[23]

 

Conditions on marginalised land for those remaining at home were often miserable. The great potato famine of Ireland and Scotland was one consequence of people being forced onto inadequate plots and therefore having to replace a diversified agricultural mix with an "efficient" monoculture. By 1811 potatoes had come to account for four fifths of a Hebridean islander's food intake.[24] Disaster followed in 1846 when, as a result of damp weather, the crops were struck with the potato blight fungus, phytophthora infestans, and in nearly every field the crop rotted.  The parallels with present day famines caused by unforeseen consequences of socially unjust development are manifest. Norman MacLeod, a famine relief officer, could have been writing a field report for Oxfam when he visited the Hebrides in 1847 and reported:

 

            "The scene of wretchedness which we witnessed as we entered on the estate of Col. Gordon was deplorable, nay heart‑rendering. On the beach the whole population of the country seemed to be met, gathering the precious cockles (shellfish).... I never witnessed such countenances ‑ starvation on many faces ‑ the children with their melancholy looks, big looking knees, shrivelled legs, hollow eyes, swollen like bellies ‑ God help them, I never did witness such wretchedness!."[25]

 

Life did not necessarily improve for the first generation of emigres. Parallels were often drawn with negro slaves. Malcolm MacLean writes:

 

            "By 1851 Highland proprietors were clearing their estates with renewed vengeance in the aftermath of the (potato) famine, and being assisted by public money made available to them by the Emigration Advance Act of that year.... Conditions on board emigrant ships were often said to be worse than those prevailing on slave ships. The fitter and healthier a slave cargo the higher the price they fetched, but emigrants paid their fare on embarking and were they to die in mid‑ocean that would save on the cost of provisions and make for a higher profit margin. Two ships which sailed from the West Highlands for Nova Scotia in 1801 with seven hundred emigrants would only have been permitted four hundred and eighty‑nine 'passengers' had they been slaves putting out from the Gambia. Three out of every twenty emigrants died on board one of these ships ... and in the six years between 1847 and 1853 at least forty‑nine emigrant ships were lost at sea."[26]

 

On arrival in Australia or the New World, emigres sometimes ended up forcing other native peoples off their lands: oppressed turned oppressor. Many of those left at home found themselves pressed into military service to do the dirty work of Empire building, it sometimes being quipped that "The Queens Own Highlanders" might be more honestly dubbed, "The Queens Owned Highlanders".[27] Still more migrated within Scotland to domestic service or industrial labour in the cities. Often a racked rent was payed by a crofter's children from the growing slums of Glasgow. Through the effects of intergenerational poverty, the foundations were thus laid for the postindustrial despair of "areas of multiple deprivation" around all our major modern Scottish cities today.

 

 

The Balmorality Epoch: the Great Sporting Estates

 

The final stage of consolidating present patterns of enclosed land tenure came after the military demand for wool collapsed with the ending of the Napoleonic Wars. As Iain Mac a'Ghobainn immortalises in his epic poem, "Spirit of Kindness," soldiers returning from Waterloo were prone to finding that their families had been cleared in their absence.  Remaining unenclosed lands had been consolidated with former sheep farms to make the Great "Sporting" Estates.  By 1912, 3,599,744 acres or one fifth of the entire Scottish land mass[28] had been converted so that "gentlefolk" versions of great white hunters could engage in one‑sided mortal battle with the stag, salmon, grouse and the thrush-sized snipe.

 

        They handed over to the snipe

        the land of happy folk,

        they dealt without humanity       

        with people who were kind.

        Because they might not drown them

        they dispersed them overseas;

        a thraldom worse than Babylon's

        was the plight they were in....

 

        What solace had the fathers

        of the heroes who won fame?

        Their houses, warm with kindliness,

        were in ruins round their ears;

        their sons were on the battlefield

        saving a rueless land,

        their mothers' state was piteous

        with their houses burnt like coal.[29]

 

 

In his sociological study of the athletic and bagpiping competitions which characterise today's Highland Games, Jarvie[30] shows how the new sporting landlords took control of such traditional gatherings of the clans to consolidate their social status. Cultural regeneration could then be seen as deriving from the benevolence of the ruling classes, thereby lending landlords a pseudo‑authentic role analogous to that of the chieftains of the past.

 

The Highlander, like the native American and African, had once been caricatured as barbarous and uncivilized. The traveller, John Leyden, typifies such an outsider perspective. Returning to Perth in 1800 he wrote, "I may now congratulate myself on a safe escape from the Indians of Scotland...."[31] Few early travellers had the ability to see beyond the racial stereotype. An exception was the Swiss geologist, Necker de Saussure, who in 1807 recorded his astonishment at finding on Iona, "under so foggy an atmosphere, in so dreary a climate, a people animated by that gaiety and cheerfulness which we are apt to attribute exclusively to those nations of the South of Europe."[32] But for most of the ruling class, the second half of the nineteenth century became instead a time when the Highlanders could safely be patronised in terms of "the glamour of backwardness"[33] and presented "in terms of loyalty, royalty, tartanry and Balmorality."[34] Trend‑setting lairds (landowners) like Queen Victoria, with her Balmoral Castle retreat, displayed the stunning contradiction of, on the one hand, professing a love of Highland scenery and culture; whilst on the other hand patronising emigration programmes and setting in process damaging land management regimes centred around deer and grouse.

 

A look through the Highland press quickly reveals that now, in the mid‑1990's, summary dismissals, evictions, expensive procedural delays in planning matters and demolition of housing remain very much a part of estate control over communities. The West Highland Free Press, for instance, gives careful documentation on 30th April 1993 of how the estate factors (legal managers) of one of the world's richest absentee landlords, Sheik Mohammed bin Rashid al Maktoumm of Dubai, have bulldozed houses in his Wester Ross "glen of sorrow" to prevent human habitation, probably because of "the night‑time poaching activities of the local population." Twelve family homes have been reduced to rubble in a district which has 800 applicants on the local authority housing waiting list. The Sheik retains a certain support in some quarters because of his large donations to small local charities.

 

As for landowners whose exoticism is more ordinary, "Balmorality" can be seen in its full 20th Century glamour nowhere better self‑exposed than in the August 1992 edition of the high society magazine, Harpers & Queen, which claims to be "The World's Most Intelligent Glossy." Amidst "Advanced Night Repair" advertisements for cosmetics to combat "environmental damage" (that is, intensified sunburn, which "can cause as much as 80% of premature ageing" to the skins of the "beautiful people" whose lifestyles gave us the ozone hole in the first place), the magazine features the Queen at Balmoral; Mohamed al Fayed (proprietor of Harrods and the Ritz) with his "hereditary pipers" at the Highland castle he hardly ever goes to; "Three fab families" of Anglicised Scots aristocrats with "greyhound‑like physiques ... super‑intelligence ... and a sense of public duty;" five public‑schoolboy junior lairds who "look like a king" for the ladies to fancy and the crofters to endure; six of "Scotland's bonniest" debutantes, who "adore smelling of horses," posing erotically in fantastic tartan dresses untraditionally slit to the crotch; and Lord Edmund Vesty, proprietor of the notorious Sutherland Estates, sporting his top hat and prim daughter at Royal Ascot. Punning on the Picts, the original native peoples of Scotland, the cover proclaims, "LOADED lairds and lovely LASSIES; SUNNY Scots and holiday PICTS: why we love our Highland playgrounds." It goes on to appeal to its "tartanned" readership as follows:

 

            "The international social set hang up their party boots at the end of July and depart for caiques off the Turkish coast, villas in the South of France or huge yachts in Sardinia.  But not the Old Guard British ‑ there's only one choice for them: the Highlands....  There's nothing like Scotland in August for sheer expenditure of physical energy; the grouse moor, the deer and the salmon river claim the chaps during the day, who then heave a lot of whisky down, change into kilt (if they qualify), evening tails (if they don't) and go reeling until dawn with wind‑burnt girls adept at quick changes from muddy tweeds to ballgowns and tartan sashes. There's ... nothing like Scotland for stalking the biggest social game...."[35]

 

Meanwhile, one million Scots, 20% of the population, live at or below the European decency threshold. On the Island of Eigg one of us was thus able to conclude at a land restitution public meeting in 1991:

 

            "This is the condition of much of the Highlands and Islands today. The Clearances continue under economic masquerade. For example, tourism, one of our few growth opportunities for cottage industry, too often becomes controlled by estates which convert homes into summer timeshare. Those who belong to a place get squeezed out, leaching community. Go to the poor quarters of Edinburgh, Glasgow, Govan, and look where too many of our people live now. Oh yes, the fortunate ones have done sufficiently 'well' sometimes to forget their roots, but many of the names on doors of those living in the high‑rise flats and 'priority treatment' estates are Highland. Folk for whom the tragedy of being uprooted, by direct clearance or by restriction of access to nature's sustenance, has given rise to the spectre of poverty across generations."[36]

 

Hebridean poet, Mary Montgomery, grew up on the boundaries of three estates on her home island of Lewis. One of a growing number of empowered Scottish women who make you wonder if the clans of old were quite so patriarchal as is often made out, she pens an embittered conclusion which could have come straight from Southern Africa:

 

        I prefer it when they're rude

        because they're easier to destroy in my thoughts

        and my conscience can be at peace....

        I prefer them to be awful

        showing themselves without warmth

        nothing if not practical

        old chap, dear sir and dame.

        The kind of value they lay store by

        is each one for himself

        that's what's going away with my country

        and what leaves them in it.[37]

 

 

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BOX

 

Estate Psychodynamics: a Ghillie's Eye View

 

(personal reflection by Alastair McIntosh)

 

 

Having served as a ghillie (salmon boat rower) and pony boy (retrieving stag carcases from the hill) for many summers on my home Isle of Lewis in the Outer Hebrides, I have developed an interest in sporting estate psychodynamics. You can learn a lot when, as a young man, you have had the opportunity to spend all day on a remote loch or mountain with generals, admirals, industrialists, stockbrokers, aristocrats, those who purport to "profess a vocation" as professionals, high‑church military clergy and assorted wives and mistresses.

 

Many are individuals who would appear to fit Alice Millar's[38]  description of the wounded child; the child whose "primal integrity" has been violated because it was not unconditionally loved for itself.  Instead, love was dependent upon conformity to authority, on performance and giftedness, leaving the eventual adult with deep‑seated anxiety as to their self‑worth. This syndrome affects people irrespective of social class. Indeed, it has been most widely popularised, well before Alice Millar became known, through the lyrics of John Lennon's greatest song, Working Class Hero: "As soon as you're born, they make you feel small; by giving you no time instead of it all; 'till the pain is so big you feel nothing at all.... There's room at the top, they are telling you still; but first you must learn how to smile as you kill; if you want to be like the folks on the Hill...."[39] With working class people, the violence of frustration perhaps stays mainly within the self or family; with the rich and powerful, its reach is global.

 

Typical "sporting" gents of my acquaintance were often surrogate parented by nannies, then sent away in late infancy to austere so‑called "public" private schools. Education for regimentation at these was strong on punishment "for your own good," emotionally disengaged ("stiff upper lip"; "uptight") and largely lacking in close male and female role models of gentleness. Acceptance at home was contingent upon conformity to Father's authority. This included the expectation of early potty training, "being seen but not heard," displaying the "toughness" of "big boys don't cry," educational competition and exam success, playing field discipline; and later in life, military achievement, success in the professions or old‑monied industry, and wealth accumulation.  "Who is he?  Is he anybody?" such a person will ask. "Oh, he's quite somebody ... he's ‑ such and such a company or landed property." As Fromm[40] put it, this is the psychology of needing to "have" in order to "be," material acquisition compensating for such a "shrivelled sense of soul".[41]

 

Tellingly, one of Alice Millar's psychotherapeutic books is cited in the same issue of Harpers and Queen as is quoted from in this paper. The magazine recommends packing Breaking Down the Wall of Silence as holiday reading. Such a book title could be straight from Freire. Freire writes of the "pedagogy of the oppressed." Millar, through case studies of members of the Third Reich, mass murderers, and disturbingly ordinary people, reveals the "poisonous pedagogy" which can often be shown to have afflicted the oppressor, and reperpetuates from one generation to the next. In their own ways, both oppressed and oppressor are victims and must be understood as such if cycles of destruction are to be broken. It is a cause for optimism that US Vice‑President, Al Gore, acknowledges the importance of the work of Millar and similar psychologists in the "Dysfunctional Civilisation" chapter of his outstanding book, "Earth in the Balance"[42] he also mentions favourably the new feminist Goddess‑based reinterpretations of archaeology coming from workers like Marija Gimbutas.[43] Such thought leads some thinkers to conclude that we are speaking here of a cultural psychopathology with a history that can be traced back 6,000 years, the Roman Empire having been only one phase of it.[44]

 

Scots born Kenneth White, professor of 20th Century Poetics at the Sorbonne, speaks of "geopoetics" ‑ the "higher unity" of geography and poetry; the aliveness, one might say, sacredness, of relationship between a person and place.[45]  This comes naturally to a well grounded people. It is evident in the radical deep ecology of pre‑colonial Celtic literature,[46] music and art. But landlordism perverts the person‑place relationship. Like a priest claiming to mediate between humankind and God, the laird bolsters his virility through theft of the vitality that belongs to those who live on, work with, cherish and feel themselves to be cherished by a place. The laird then claims to be the true steward of the land and, of course, the generous benefactor and arbitrator of its communities.

 

The psychopathologies manifested in landlordism are of more than merely local significance. As Alice Millar, Wilhelm Reich and several other post‑Freudians show, the love/power/sex dynamics of wounded people (and which of us are not somewhat in this category?) are often played out on much bigger stages: those of economy and battlefield, complete with all the denial of feeling once denied to the actors. Playwright John McGrath speaks of...

 

            "The Victorian self‑image of the near‑brutish male doing battle with the natives in far‑off lands, the servants in draughty mansions, and competitors on the Stock Exchange ... in the romantically‑situated hunting lodge, with tales of even greater slaughter at other, better times, and the odd titbit of useful industrial or investment information, perhaps even the odd deal seen through in the rosy haze of the apres‑massacre. It came as no surprise that the single most important carve‑up of the market in the twentieth century, that between the 'Seven Sisters' ‑ the seven major oil companies ‑ took place in Achnacarry Castle, a turreted mansion in the West Highlands, where the most ruthless and powerful men in the oil business assembled ostensibly to shoot grouse and fish."[47]

 

In the community arts produced book, As an Fhearann: from the land, p. 84 has a photomontage of President Reagan peering out of a TV screen at the prehistoric Callanish stones. It brings sharply to mind Alice Walker's poem about the oppressor, the "Wasichu": "Regardless. He has filled our every face with his window. Our every window with his face."[48] p. 93 pictures NATO exercises at Stornoway airport; and on p. 38 General Curtis le May is shown shooting deer in the Highlands, 1967. This is captioned, "General le May was Commander in Chief of the USAF when the atomic bomb was dropped on Hiroshima." In perhaps unintended but graphic reflection of one of the roles of sporting estates, the rock group Pink Floyd sang, in the aftermath of the Falklands War and the IRA's blowing up of bandsmen in London:

 

        Take all your overgrown infants away somewhere

        and build them a home, a little place of their own

        the fletcher memorial home

        home for incurable tyrants and kings

        And they can appear to themselves every day

        on closed circuit TV

        to make sure they're still real

        it's the only connection they feel

        Ladies and gentlemen please welcome reagan and haig

        mr begin and friend, mrs thatcher and paisley

        mr brezhnev and party

        the ghost of mccarthy

        the memories of nixon

        and now adding colour a group of anonymous latin

        american meat‑packing glitterati

        Did they expect us to treat them with any respect?

        They can polish their medals

        and sharpen their smiles

        and amuse themselves playing games for a while

        boom boom, bang bang, lie down, you're dead....[49]

 

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